Mixed Income/Low Income Co-Housing Communities | <– Date –> <– Thread –> |
From: Cohomag (Cohomag![]() |
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Date: Tue, 9 May 95 22:38 CDT |
Wellington Avenue Local Development Organization requested information about cohousing in urban areas for low income residents. It so happens that I have been working on a series of intensive case studies for a forthcoming article series (or book), and I just finished grilling David Mandel (a subscriber to this list) about the development of the Southside Park community in Sacramento, California. This is a mixed-income ownership pr oject (resident initiated) which entailed subsidy at the back end (silent second mortgages) for qualifying low and moderate income homebuyers. A really neat project!! Following is the narrative portion of this particular case study. I also have a two page summary sheet with design, demographic and financial information, but it is highly formatted and not easily converted to an ASCII text packet. Anyway, here is the Southside Park study. I am sure David Mandel will correct anything I didn't get straight. (Thanks David!) Don Lindemann Editor, Cohousing Journal cohomag [at] aol.com P.S. Look for a lot of information about legal and financial structures in the next couple issues of the journal. Contact me for subscription information. SOUTHSIDE PARK (CA) This 25-unit development, located in a low-income neighborhood near downtown Sacramento, was the result of a five-year collaborative effort involving a core group of residents, their development manager/architect, a local builder and the Sacramento Housing and Redevelopment Agency. Southside Park, which includes 19 two-story townhouses and six flats, has won several architectural awards. The 2500-s.f. common house, located in the center of the site, includes a kitchen, dining room, sitting room, laundry, children's room, two bathrooms, a teen room and storage space. The core group that created Southside Park grew out of an "umbrella group" that got started in late 1988 after a Sacramento slide show presentation by Kathryn McCamant and Charles Durrett of The CoHousing Company. This umbrella group focused on education and outreach, sponsoring occasional picnics as well as monthly potluck socials that often included a presentation on some aspect of cohousing. By the middle of 1989 a subgroup began to meet separately twice a month as a core group to talk about possibilities for an affordable urban project. This core group, in turn, formed subcommittees of two or three people to investigate sites in various parts of the city. They also decided to start collecting dues, starting at $100 a month and later $200 a month (with exceptions made for members who could not afford that much). Virtually all dues collected by the core group were treated as capital contributions and eventually rolled over into down payments for homes. At this point the group did not have any legal identity of its own, and dues were deposited in a group checking account opened in the name of one of the members. After a few months, members realized that they didn't know enough about the factors to be considered in site evaluation, so they decided to get help. Several members were acquainted with Sacramento architect David Mogavero, and the group decided in late 1989 to hire him with funds they had started to accumulate. Mogavero researched several sites for them, and by February of 1990 he presented them with information about a 1.3 acre parcel that the group eventually purchased from the Sacramento Housing and Redevelopm ent Agency (SHRA). The site was in a neighborhood close to downtown that had once been a solid middle-class area of Victorian bungalows, but in recent years it had fallen victim to blight and neglect. The Redevelopment Agency had started buying up some dilapidated properties in the 1980's, and it was eager to catalyze a project that would aid in the process of stabilization and renewal. Throughout early and mid 1990 Mogavero met occasionally with staff of (SHRA) to explore the possibility of a cohousing project on the agency-owned property. (The agency itself was still in the process of acquiring part of the site that the group would need.) Meanwhile members of the group started to develop a vision for the site and met with neighborhood residents to gain support. Finally, in September of 1990, the city issued a Request for Proposals. This RFP stated the agency's requirement for an experienced developer to build housing on the site with 20% to 40% of the units affordable to households earning less than 80% of the area median income. The RFP, which reflected Mogavero's input into the agency process, also called for plans in keeping with the scale and character of the neighborhood, and the RFP did not require maximum possible density at the zoned limit of 36 units per acre. During an intense six-week period the group developed a site plan in collaboration with Mogavero's firm and The CoHousing Company of Berkeley. In January of 1991 the group's proposal for a 25-unit cohousing project was conditionally accepted, and the site was eventually sold to the group on extremely favorable payment terms at the market price of $415,000. John Warner, a housing finance specialist with the city of Sacramento, recalls that the city had no particular predisposition toward the cohousing concept, but a selection committee composed of neighborhood residents and city staff chose the group's proposal (over a competing proposal for conventional condominiums) because of its architectural quality and because it promised to provide a substantial portion of affordable units with a relatively low level of city subsidy. "They had a certain pioneering spirit and progressive bent such that they were perceived as a potential asset for the neighborhood," said Warner. There were still many details to be worked out over the next year and a half to gain final approval from SHRA and obtain a construction loan. At the request of SHRA, the group incorporated as a nonprofit (River City Cohousing) and actually achieved federal tax- exempt status (as a 501(c)(4) social welfare corporation, not a 501(c)(3) public benefit corporation). (A 501(c)(4) cannot accept tax-deductible contributions, and it is not clear why SHRA required the group to obtain tax-exempt status.) The agency as well as potential construction lenders wanted to see the project managed by an experienced developer, so the group investigated various possibilities. "We didn't get a lot of response from local nonprofit developers -- they saw cohousing as a yuppie kind of thing," said group member Susan Scott. "We talked about doing a half ownership, half rental project, but it would have been very complicated." Finally the group hired a lawyer and formed a limited partnership with local builder Jeff Kester (Ergos Development) as the general partner. Terms of the agreement called for Kester to be paid an overhead fee of $21,000 and a contractor fee set at construction cost plus 11%. As part of the legal work, disclosure documents were prepared for distribution to prospective members to inform them of the risks involved in the project. (This was done to comply with state and federal securities laws.) "Jeff did not really understand the appeal of cohousing, but he believed we were very committed to making it happen," said Susan Scott. "He was convinced that people would buy these units if they were built." (In California, unlike some other states, homebuyers in a subdivision cannot actually sign Purchase and Sale Agreements until the Department of Real Estate issues a "public report"; usually this report is not issued until the units are nearly complete.) Each household was eventually asked (but not required) to invest in the limited partnership an amount equal to 10% of its projected unit cost. (This target was reduced to 5% of projected unit cost for low income households.) Resident investments up to the 10%-of-cost level were slated to earn an 8% return. Outside investors (or group members exceeding the 10% requirement) were entitled to earn a 13% return; altogether there were about a dozen investors in this category. According to Susan Scott, the various levels of investment by group members had no bearing on decision-making. "The remarkable thing about this group is that some people put in an incredible amount of money and some only put in a few hundred dollars, but everyone participated on an equal basis." Legally, the limited partnership form of organization gave much of the decision-making power in the project to Kester, since limited partners are not allowed to be actively involved in management. Generally this was not a problem, and the group had influence simply by virtue of the fact that they were the potential homebuyers. (However, some group members were dismayed later by some decisions that were made in the construction process without their knowledge.) In late 1991 members of the group started meeting regularly with SHRA staff and an agency attorney. At first these negotiations were difficult. On one hand, agency staff wanted to be supportive because they believe the cohousing group would be a positive addition to the neighborhood. On the other hand, they were somewhat apprehensive about dealing with a grass-roots, participatory group unlike any they had ever worked with before. "They wanted us to pay for the land up front, but we told them that would be a total deal beater. That made them a little nervous about us. We had to get over their disbelief that we could pull this off," recalls Scott. "Jeff was very important to that process. He had done a lot of projects, had a lot of bankability, and he helped convince them it would work." She added, "I wonder about some of the cohousing groups organizing to do cohousing projects without anybody who has deep pockets. Do they think bankers are going to loan them millions of dollars?" Unit pricing was the subject of much debate within the group. Some members strongly felt that prices for all units of a given bedroom size should be the same. Others felt just as strongly that pricing should take into account a wide variety of factors. In the end they compromised, and unit prices were adjusted for a very small set of factors including availability of a backyard and whether or not the units are "sandwiched" between other units. Terms of City Subsidy The group originallly asked SRHA to consider a bargain sale of the land plus an equity contribution to the project. Instead of doing this, the agency deferred the land payment until closing on the permanent mortgages, and a $415,000 fund (equal in size to the purchase price of the city-owned land) was set aside to assist low and moderate income homebuyers. The fund provided silent second mortgages covering up to 49% of the appraised price for six low income and five moderate income households. A down payment of 5% was required for moderate income purchasers and 3% for low income purchasers. No monthly payments are required until the loan becomes due (in 13 years for a moderate income purchaser or 33 years for a low income purchaser). It is anticipated that owners will be able to refinance their homes to obtain the cash required to pay back the city. Resale prices of units financed with silent second mortgages are limited to the original price plus an appreciation factor tied to the county median income. The arrangement calls for SRHA to receive a share of appreciation upon resale or refinancing (as well as repayment of the silent seconds). New buyers will have to qualify under the same income restrictions as current buyers (if they buy within a prescribed period -- 10 years for low-income units or 30 years for moderate-income units), and they will be eligible for the silent-second financing under the same terms as the original buyers. Because the prices of almost all homes exceeded the appraised value, SHRA also made gap financing available to all households to cover most of the difference between appraised value and purchase price. These loans, accruing interest at 3%, are due upon sale of a unit (and may be forgiveable if unit value has not increased). Although the group did not receive any development capital from the city, the favorable terms of the land sale minimized their up front capital requirements, and the silent second mortgages enabled them to accommodate six low and five moderate income households (although some low income members who participated along the way were unable to qualify for a home even with mortgage assistance). The use of mortgage assistance rather than direct project subsidies gave the group flexibility in recruitment; the origin al idea involving an equity contribution by the city would have required low and moderate income buyers to fall into relatively narrow bands of household income. The final agreement with SHRA was approved by the Sacramento City Council in September, 1992. Meanwhile, Sacramento Savings provided a construction loan of $1.9 million (somewhat less than expected) and SHRA provided a bridge loan of $330,000. In addition, the Northern California Community Loan Fund provided a bridge loan of $75,000 to make up for the fact that low income members contributed very little equity to the project. According to group member David Mandel, a number of other low income lenders were contacted but displayed little interest "because we weren't all low income." Construction began in October 1992 and was completed a year later. The main problem in the construction period was dealing with cutbacks that had to be made, primarily as the result of rapidly escalating lumber prices. "If I had to do this all over again, I'd have each group involved in design of a particular unit type think ahead of time about the decisions they'd make if they had to cut five or ten thousand dollars out of the budget," said Scott. The sweat equity component to the project included landscaping, irrigation, construction of decks and installation of wood floors in some units. Ownership Structure The project is owned as condominiums (with resale limitations on subsidized units as described above). There are no provisions for the group to exercise any control over the choice of buyers. "I don't think this group would want it. I think it's understood that if you need to sell, you will do everything in your power to sell to someone who wants to participate in a cohousing community," said Mandel. Homeowner fees currently range from $90 to $130 (including sewer and water charges). Some expenses were allocated on the basis of unit size and others were allocated on a per- household basis. Financing of significant new community amenities (after occupancy) is often difficult for cohousing communities, especially for mixed income communities where ability to pay increased homeowner fees varies widely. For some relatively small items that needed to be purchased after move-in(e.g. a new refrigerator), the group decided to borrow against its reserve funds. But some people are frustrated by the inability of the group to finance significant new improvements or amenities such as a hot tub. According to Mandel, the biggest challenge was working with professionals who were not accustomed to working with a group. "It's important to be as clear as possible at the outset about who is going to do what and for how much money," he said. He suggests that other groups think about hiring a project manager -- someone other than the architect or builder -- to closely monitor a project during construction. ******************************************************
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Mixed Income/Low Income Co-Housing Communities Fred H Olson WB0YQM, May 8 1995
- Mixed Income/Low Income Co-Housing Communities Cohomag, May 9 1995
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